The godfather of the
Ostensibly concerned with attempts of Democrat Party outsiders to wrest control from the party old-guard using netroots, powerful new means of fund-raising & connectivity centering around the internet, the author of The Argument ends up admitting that, by the 2006 mid-term elections, despite the influx of new blood, the Democrat Party was as far as ever from convincing voters—or itself—that it has any ideas or programs that make it superior to, or different from, the Republicans.
Of special interest in The Argument is a PowerPoint® presentation nicknamed "The Killer Slideshow", formally titled The Conservative Message Machine's Money Matrix. Compiled over a period of about a decade by a leftist policy wonk, Clinton administration treasury official Rob Stein, the 2004 presentation used charts, diagrams and other graphic aids to detail the rise of the conservative foundation movement between the defeat of Barry Goldwater by President Lyndon Baines Johnson in 1964, and Ronald Reagan's 1976 Republican primary challenge to President Gerald R. Ford.
The Killer Slideshow—no one was allowed to view it without signing a non-divulgence agreement—took as its starting point the August, 1971 memorandum from future Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, Lewis F. Powell, Jr., to Eugene B. Sydnor, Jr., Chairman, Education Committee, U.S. Chamber of Commerce. Titled "Attack on the American Free Enterprise System", the confidential memorandum was held to be the original inspiration for the system of conservative foundations, considered by Democrat Party operatives in The Argument to have locked down Republican Party domination of the Presidency for nearly thirty years between Carter and Obama, only interrupted by Clinton.
The presentation's point was to exhort leftist donors into replicating the Republicans' long-term, Presidential electoral success . (Regardless of the slideshow's ultimate effect, it is worthy of note that the Obamanistas project a forty-year reign, longer than that of the Democrats during the Depression period 1933-1954. Democrat campaign strategist James Carville has argued quite persuasively that the political statistics make Democrat domination of the Presidency, the most likely outcome of the current economic and political struggles.)
Now, after gaining only grudging admission to the Republicans' "big tent" for the better part of five decades, Pro-Lifers—one of the most coherent voting blocks in the pivotal 1994 mid-term elections, with exit-polling showing 26% reporting Pro-Life as their most important voting issue—should now realize that from its inception, the so-called "conservative" movement was founded by those who only threw table scraps to the Cause of Life.
This is conclusively proven by the behavior of one of the leading founders of the superstructure of "conservative" foundations, (fundraising apparatus such as direct-mail, training institutes, think-tanks, journals and talk-radio), Lewis F. Powell, Jr., who The Argument documents as having initiated the movement's long-term, historic success. And yet Powell, this paragon of "conservatism"†, ruled with the majority in Roe v. Wade and Doe v. Bolton, the Supreme Court decisions which opened the floodgates of bloodletting in the killing of more than 50 million children in the U.S.
This betrayal didn't start with "conservative" Republican California Governor Ronald Reagan—remarried after divorce, popular among reporters for telling "the best dirty jokes"—signing into law one of the nation's first laws permitting abortion, in 1967. "Conservative" President Dwight D. Eisenhower later became converted to the false gospel of contraception and population control in the mid-1960s.
By that time, there was "growing government interest in population control and the putative threat to American national security posed by a growing Third World population. … '[W]orries about the Soviet Union and the possibility of Communist inspired revolutions in the Third World were widespread in government and foreign-policy circles'. Funding for population control in the Agency for International Development [USAID] began with a modest $2.1 million dollars in 1965 and quickly reached $185 million by 1980." (James R. Kelly, "Seeking a Sociologically Correct Name For Abortion Opponents", Abortion politics in the United States and Canada: Studies in public opinion, Westport, Conn. : Praeger, 1994. pp. 20-26.)
President Richard Nixon, who won a 49-state "conservative" landslide in 1972, could have exercised his authentic Executive prerogative to interpret the Constitution by resisting the Supreme Court's final domination of all aspects of civic life in its 1973 decisions Roe and Doe. But Nixon favored abortion in cases of "miscegeny", unions which produce mixed "race" children.
(In 1968, Samuel Frederick Yette, Washington D.C. Bureau Correspondent of Newsweek Magazine, wrote The Choice: The Issue of Black Survival in America, exposing high-level plans within the United States to use birth control and abortion as instruments of Black genocide. Despite the fact that his book was selling well, had won at least two national awards and was being used as a textbook in colleges across the country, Yette’s publisher mysteriously dropped him and took the book off the market. Immediately after this book was published, Yette was summoned to his supervisor’s office and fired. He was told that Newsweek was under pressure from the Nixon White House to get him out of Washington.)
With imminent prospects for loss of our freedom at the hands of the leftists, how much longer can the Pro-Life movement afford to allow the Republican Party, and supposedly "conservative" Democrats, to shine us on? Will we have to lose our freedom completely, as with Canada—where merely praying on the sidewalk results in imprisonment —before we get serious about demanding that the Republicans authentically support our cause?
‡Though a Democrat, Powell was economically conservative at the same time that he was socially leftist. «Back